Showing posts with label Description. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Description. Show all posts

Thursday, June 20, 2024

Excerpt from Ella's letter to Queen Victoria, after the deaths of Alix's mother Princess Alice and younger sister May (Marie), dated January 2, 1879

Source:

Alexandra Feodorovna: Diaries and Correspondence, volume 1: Princess of Hesse, 1872-1893, page 8, by George Hawkins, 2023

The letter excerpt:

January 2nd 1879
... Dear little Alix understands nothing of our loss — & is as merry as possible. She has begun her little lessons with a German lady....

She likes talking French too, or at least tries! ...


Above: Alix with her grandmother Queen Victoria.


Above: Ella.

Saturday, May 20, 2023

Pierre Gilliard on Alexandra taking care of affairs and her sick children during the Russian Revolution, the news of Nicholas's abdication, and the beginning of the family's captivity, February and March 1917 (New Style)

Sources:

Treize années à la cour de Russie: Le tragique destin de Nicolas II et de sa famille, pages 174 to 183, by Pierre Gilliard, 1921


Thirteen Years at the Russian Court, pages 209 to 217, by Pierre Gilliard, translated by F. Appelby Holt, 1921



Above: Nicholas and Alexandra, signed "Papa" and "Mama" as a gift for their children.


Above: Olga, Tatiana, Maria, Anastasia and Alexei with their heads shaved bald while recovering from measles.


Above: Pierre Gilliard.

The account:

... Ce n'est qu'après de longues hésitations que l'empereur déjà inquiet s'était décidé, le 8 mars 1917, à quitter Tsarskoïé-Sélo pour se rendre au G. Q. G.

Son départ affecta tout particulièrement l'impératrice, car aux appréhensions que faisait naître la situation politique venaient s'ajouter les craintes que lui inspirait Alexis Nicolaïévitch. Le tsarévitch, en effet, était alité depuis plusieurs jours, ayant la rougeole, et diverses complications étaient venues aggraver son état. Pour comble de malheur, trois des grandes-duchesses étaient tombées malades à leur tour, et Marie Nicolaïévna était seule à pouvoir seconder sa mère.

Le 10 mars, nous apprenions que des troubles avaient éclaté à Pétrograd et que des collisions sanglantes s'étaient produites entre la police et les manifestants.

C'est que, depuis plusieurs jours, la rareté des vivres avait suscité un violent mécontentement dans les quartiers populaires. Des cortèges s'étaient formés et la foule avait parcouru les rues de la ville en réclamant du pain.

Je compris que Sa Majesté était très préoccupée, car, faisant exception à sa règle habituelle, elle me parla des événements politiques et me dit que Protopopof accusait les socialistes de chercher, par une propagande active auprès des cheminots, à empêcher le ravitaillement de la ville afin d'exciter le peuple à la révolution.

Le 11, la situation devenait subitement très critique et les nouvelles les plus alarmantes nous parvenaient coup sur coup. L'émeute gagnait le centre de la ville et la troupe qu'on avait fait intervenir depuis la veille résistait faiblement.

J'appris également qu'un ukase de l'empereur était venu ordonner la suspension de la Douma, mais que, vu la gravité des événements, l'assemblée avait passé outre à l'ordre de prorogation et décidé de procéder à la formation d'un Comité exécutif chargé de rétablir l'ordre.

Les combats reprenaient avec plus d'acharnement encore le lendemain, et les insurgés parvenaient à s'emparer de l'arsenal. Vers le soir on me téléphonait de Pétrograd que les éléments de réserve de plusieurs régiments de la garde: les régiments Paul, Préobrajensky, etc., avaient fait cause commune avec eux. Cette nouvelle frappa de stupeur l'impératrice. Depuis la veille, elle était extrêmement inquiète et se rendait compte de l'imminence du péril.

Pendant ces deux journées, elle avait passé tour à tour des chambres des grandes-duchesses à celle d'Alexis Nicolaïévitch, dont l'état de santé avait encore empiré, s'efforçant de cacher aux malades l'angoisse qui la torturait.

Le 13, à 9 h. ½ du matin, comme j'entre chez le tsarévitch, l'impératrice me fait signe de la suivre dans la salle à côté. Elle m'annonce que la capitale est, de fait, entre les mains des révolutionnaires et que la Douma vient de constituer un gouvernement provisoire à la tête duquel se trouve Rodzianko.

— La Douma s'est montrée à la hauteur des circonstances, me dit-elle. Elle a compris enfin, je crois, le danger qui menace le pays, mais je crains que ce ne soit trop tard: il s'est formé un comité socialiste-révolutionnaire qui ne veut pas reconnaître l'autorité du gouvernement provisoire. Je viens de recevoir de l'empereur un télégramme m'annonçant son arrivée pour 6 heures du matin. Mais il désire que nous quittions Tsarskoïé-Sélo pour Gatchina ou que nous nous portions à sa rencontre. Faites donc tout préparer pour le départ éventuel d'Alexis.

Les ordres sont donnés. Sa Majesté passe par de terribles hésitations. Elle a fait savoir à Rodzianko la gravité de l'état du tsarévitch et des grandes-duchesses. Il répond: «Quand une maison brûle, on commence par en emmener les malades.»

A quatre heures, le docteur Dérévenko rentre de l'hôpital et nous annonce que tout le réseau de chemin de fer des environs de Pétrograd est déjà occupé par les révolutionnaires, que nous ne pouvons pas partir et qu'il est peu probable que l'empereur puisse arriver.

Le soir, vers neuf heures, la baronne de Buxhœveden entre chez moi. Elle vient d'apprendre que la garnison de Tsarskoïé-Sélo s'est mutinée et que l'on tire dans la rue. Il faut avertir l'impératrice qui est auprès des grandes-duchesses. Précisément, elle sort dans le couloir et la baronne la met au courant de la situation. Nous nous approchons des fenêtres. Nous voyons le général Reissine qui, à la tête de deux compagnies du régiment combiné, prend position devant le palais. J'aperçois également des marins de l'équipage de la garde et des cosaques de l'escorte. Les grilles du parc ont été occupées par des postes renforcés, les hommes sur quatre rangs, prêts à tirer.

A ce moment nous apprenons par téléphone que les mutins s'avancent dans notre direction et qu'ils viennent de tuer un factionnaire à moins de 500 mètres du palais. Les coups de fusil se sont de plus en plus rapprochés, une collision semble inévitable. L'impératrice, affolée à l'idée que le sang va être répandu sous ses yeux, sort avec Marie Nicolaïévna et s'approche des soldats pour les exhorter au calme. Elle supplie qu'on parlemente avec les insurgés. Le moment est solennel. L'angoisse étreint tous les cœurs. Une imprudence, et c'est le corps à corps suivi de carnage. Cependant, des officiers s'interposent des deux côtés et l'on se met à discuter. Les paroles de leurs anciens chefs et l'attitude résolue de ceux qui sont restés fidèles en imposent aux mutins.

L'excitation tombe peu à peu et l'on finit par déterminer une zone neutre entre les deux camps.

La nuit se passe ainsi et, le matin, des ordres formels du gouvernement provisoire viennent mettre fin à cette situation angoissante.

Dans l'après-midi Sa Majesté fait appeler le grand-duc Paul et lui demande s'il sait où est l'empereur. Le grand-duc l'ignore. Aux questions que l'impératrice lui pose sur la situation, il répond que, seul, l'octroi immédiat d'une constitution peut encore, à son avis, conjurer le danger. L'impératrice se range à cette opinion, mais elle est impuissante, car, depuis la veille, elle ne peut plus communiquer avec l'empereur.

La journée du 15 se passe dans l'attente oppressée des événements. Dans la nuit, à 3 h. ½, le docteur Botkine est appelé au téléphone par un des membres du gouvernement provisoire qui lui demande des nouvelles d'Alexis Nicolaïévitch. (Le bruit de sa mort s'était répandu en ville, comme nous l'apprenons plus tard.)

Le supplice de l'impératrice continue le lendemain. C'est le troisième jour qu'elle est sans nouvelles de l'empereur et son angoisse s'augmente du fait de son inaction forcée. (Les tortures de l'impératrice en ces jours de mortelle angoisse où, sans nouvelles de l'empereur, elle se désespérait au chevet de son enfant malade, dépassèrent tout ce qu'on peut imaginer. Elle avait atteint la limite extrême de la résistance humaine, c'était la dernière épreuve d'où allait se dégager cette merveilleuse, cette lumineuse sérénité qui devait la soutenir, elle et les siens, jusqu'au jour de leur mort.)

A la fin de l'après-midi, la nouvelle de l'abdication de l'empereur parvient au palais. L'impératrice la repousse comme un bruit mensonger. Mais un peu plus tard le grand-duc Paul vient la lui confirmer. Elle se refuse encore à y croire et c'est seulement sur les précisions qu'il lui donne que Sa Majesté se rend enfin à l'évidence. L'empereur a abdiqué la veille au soir à Pskof en faveur de son frère, le grand-duc Michel.

Le désespoir de l'impératrice dépasse tout ce qu'on peut imaginer. Mais son grand courage ne l'abandonne pas. Je la revois, le soir, chez Alexis Nicolaïévitch. Son visage est ravagé, mais, par une force de volonté presque surhumaine, elle a tenu à venir comme d'habitude auprès des enfants, afin que rien ne trouble les jeunes malades qui ignorent tout ce qui s'est passé depuis le départ de l'empereur pour le G. Q. G.

Tard dans la nuit, nous apprenons que le grand-duc Michel s'est désisté et que c'est l'Assemblée constituante qui devra décider du sort de la Russie.

Je retrouve le lendemain l'impératrice chez Alexis Nicolaïévitch. Elle est calme, mais très pâle. Elle a effroyablement maigri et vieilli en ces quelques jours.

L'après-midi, Sa Majesté reçoit un télégramme de l'empereur où il cherche à la tranquiliser et lui annonce qu'il attend à Mohilef l'arrivée prochaine de l'impératrice douairière.

Trois jours passent. Le 21, à 10 h. ½ du matin, Sa Majesté me fait appeler et me dit que le général Kornilof est venu lui faire savoir, de la part du gouvernement provisoire, que l'empereur et elle sont mis en état d'arrestation, et que tous ceux qui ne veulent pas accepter le régime de la prison doivent avoir quitté le palais avant quatre heures. Je réponds que je suis décidé à rester.

— L'empereur rentre demain, il faut avertir Alexis, il faut tout lui dire... Voulez-vous le faire? Moi je vais aller parler aux petites.

On voit combien elle souffre à l'idée de l'émotion qu'elle va causer aux grandes-duchesses, malades, en leur annonçant l'abdication de leur père, émotion qui risque d'aggraver leur état.

Je rentre chez Alexis Nicolaïévitch et je lui dis que l'empereur va revenir le lendemain de Mohilef et qu'il n'y retournera plus.

— Pourquoi?

— Parce que votre papa ne veut plus être commandant en chef.

Cette nouvelle l'affecte vivement, car il aimait beaucoup à aller au G. Q. G.

Au bout d'un certain temps, j'ajoute:

— Vous savez, Alexis Nicolaïévitch, votre père ne veut plus être empereur.

Il me regarde, étonné, cherchant à lire sur ma figure ce qui se passe.

— Comment? Pourquoi?

— Parce qu'il est très fatigué et qu'il a eu de grandes difficultés ces derniers temps.

— Ah! oui! Maman m'a dit qu'on avait arrêté son train quand il voulait venir ici. Mais papa sera de nouveau empereur après?

Je lui explique alors que l'empereur a abdiqué en faveur du grand-duc Michel, lequel s'est désisté à son tour.

— Mais alors, qui est-ce qui sera empereur?

— Je ne sais pas, maintenant personne...

Pas un mot sur lui, pas une allusion à ses droits d'héritier. Il est très rouge et ému.

Au bout de quelques minutes de silence, il me dit:

— Mais alors, s'il n'y a plus d'empereur, qui est-ce qui va gouverner la Russie?

Je lui explique qu'il s'est formé un gouvernement provisoire qui devra s'occuper des affaires de l'État jusqu'à la réunion de l'Assemblée constituante et qu'alors, peut-être, son oncle Michel montera sur le trône.

Une fois de plus, je suis frappé de la modestie de cet enfant.

A quatre heures, la porte du palais se ferme. Nous sommes prisonniers! Le régiment combiné a été relevé par un régiment de la garnison de Tsarskoïé-Selo, et les soldats qui sont en faction ne sont plus là pour nous protéger, mais pour nous garder.

Le 22, à onze heures du matin, l'empereur arrive enfin, accompagné du Prince Dolgorouky, maréchal de la cour. Il monte immédiatement chez les enfants où l'impératrice l'attend.

Après le déjeuner, il entre dans la chambre d'Alexis Nicolaïévitch, où je me trouve à ce moment, et m'aborde avec sa simplicité et sa bienveillance habituelles. Mais, à voir son visage pâli et amaigri, on comprend combien il a effroyablement souffert, lui aussi, pendant son absence.

Le retour de l'empereur fut, malgré les circonstances, un jour de grand bonheur pour les siens. L'impératrice et Marie Nicolaïévna, aussi bien que les enfants malades, lorsqu'ils avaient été mis au courant de la situation, avaient éprouvé à son sujet tant de crainte et d'anxiété! C'était pour eux une grande consolation de se trouver tous réunis alors qu'ils étaient si durement éprouvés. Il leur semblait que leur douleur en était allégée et que l'immense amour qu'ils avaient les uns pour les autres était une force capable de leur faire supporter toutes les souffrances.

Malgré le maîtrise de soi qui lui était habituelle, l'empereur n'arrivait pas à cacher son profond ébranlement, mais il se remettait rapidement au milieu de l'affection des siens. Il leur consacrait la majeure partie de ses journées et, le reste du temps, il lisait ou se promenait avec le prince Dolgorouky. On lui avait interdit, au début, l'accès du parc et on ne lui avait laissé que la jouissance d'un petit jardin attenant au palais, encore couvert de neige et entouré d'un cordon de sentinelles. Mais l'empereur acceptait toutes ces rigueurs avec une sérénité et une grandeur d'âme remarquables. Jamais un mot de reproche ne sortit de ses lèvres. C'est qu'un sentiment dominait son être, plus puissant même que les liens qui l'attachaient aux siens: l'amour de son pays. On sentait qu'il était prêt à tout pardonner à ceux qui lui infligeaient ces humiliations, s'ils étaient capables de sauver la Russie.

L'impératrice passait presque tout son temps étendue sur une chaise longue dans la chambre des grandes-duchesses et chez Alexis Nicolaïévitch. Les émotions et les angoisses l'avaient épuisée physiquement, mais, depuis le retour de l'empereur, un grand apaisement moral s'était fait en elle et elle vivait d'une vie intérieure très intense, parlant peu, cédant enfin à ce besoin impérieux de repos qui la sollicitait depuis longtemps. Elle était heureuse de ne plus avoir à lutter, et de pouvoir se consacrer tout entière à ceux qu'elle aimait d'un si grand amour. Seule Marie Nicolaïévna lui donnait encore de l'inquiétude. Elle était tombée malade beaucoup plus tard que ses sœurs et son état s'était aggravé par suite d'une pneumonie de nature fort pernicieuse; son organisme, quelque très robuste, avait de la peine à reprendre le dessus. Elle était, d'ailleurs, victime de sa propre générosité. Cette jeune fille de dix-sept ans s'était dépensée sans compter pendant les journées révolutionnaires. Elle avait été le plus ferme soutien de sa mère. Dans la nuit du 13 mars, elle avait commis l'imprudence de sortir avec l'impératrice pour aller parler aux soldats, s'exposant ainsi au froid, alors qu'elle ressentait les premières atteintes de la maladie. Par bonheur, les autres enfants allaient mieux et se trouvaient déjà en pleine période de convalescence. ...

English translation (by Holt):

... It was only after long hesitation that the Czar, in his anxiety, had decided on March 8th, 1917, to leave Tsarskoïe-Sélo and go to G. H. Q.

His departure was a great blow to the Czarina, for to the fears aroused in her breast by the politics situation had been added her anxiety about Alexis Nicolaïevitch. The Czarevitch had been in bed with measles for several days, and his condition had been aggravated by various complications. To crown everything, three of the Grand-Duchesses had also been taken ill, and there was no one but Marie Nicolaïevna to help the mother.

On March 10th we learned that trouble had broken out in Petrograd and that bloody collisions had taken place between police and demonstrators.

The fact was that for several days the shortage of food had produced feelings of bitter discontent in the poorer quarters of the city. There had been processions, and mobs had appeared in the streets demanding bread.

I realised that Her Majesty had a good deal on her mind, for, contrary to her usual habit, she spoke freely about political events, and told me that Protopopoff had accused the Socialists of conducting an active propaganda among railway employees with a view to preventing the provisioning of the city, and thus precipitating a revolution.

On the 11th the situation suddenly became very critical and the most alarming news arrived without warning. The mob made its way into the centre of the town, and the troops, who had been called in the previous evening, were offering but slight resistance.

I heard also that an Imperial ukase had ordered the sittings of the Duma to be suspended, but that, in view of the grave events in progress, the Assembly had disregarded the decree for its prorogation and decided to form an executive committee charged with the duty of restoring order.

The fighting was renewed with greater violence the next morning, and the insurgents managed to secure possession of the arsenal. Towards the evening I was told on the telephone from Petrograd that reserve elements of several regiments — had made common cause with them. This piece of news absolutely appalled the Czarina. She had been extremely anxious since the previous evening, and realised that the peril was imminent.

She had spent these two days between the rooms of the Grand-Duchesses and that of Alexis Nicolaïevitch, who had taken a turn for the worse, but she always did her utmost to conceal her torturing anxiety from the invalids.

At half-past ten on the morning of the 13th the Czarina beckoned me to step into an adjoining room just as I was entering the Czarevitch's bedroom. She told me that the capital was actually in the hands of the revolutionaries and that the Duma had just set up a Provisional Government with Rodzianko at its head.

"The Duma has shown itself equal to the occasion", she said. "I think it has realised the danger which is threatening the country, but I'm afraid it is too late. A Revolutionary-Socialist Committee has been formed which will not recognise the authority of the Provisional Government. I have just received a telegram from the Czar saying that he will be here at six in the morning, but he wants us to leave Tsarskoïe-Selo for Gatchina, or else go to meet him. Please make all arrangements for Alexis's departure."

The necessary orders were given. Her Majesty was a prey to terrible doubt and hesitation. She informed Rodzianko of the serious condition of the Czarevitch and the Grand-Duchesses, but he replied: "When a house is burning the invalids are the first to be taken out."

At four o'clock Dr. Derevenko came back from the hospital and told us that the whole network of railways round Petrograd was already in the hands of the revolutionaries, so that we could not leave, and it was highly improbable that the Czar would be able to reach us.

About nine in the evening Baroness Buxhœveden entered my room. She had just heard that the garrison of Tsarskoïe-Selo had mutinied and that there was firing in the streets. She was going to tell the Czarina, who was with the Grand-Duchesses. As a matter of fact, she came into the corridor at that moment and the Baroness told her how things stood. We went to the windows. We saw General Reissine, who had taken up position outside the palace at the head of two companies of the composite regiment. I also saw some marines of the bodyguard and cossacks of the escort. The park gates had been occupied in special strength, the men being drawn up in four ranks, ready to fire.

At that moment we heard on the telephone that the rebels were coming in our direction and had just killed a sentry less than five hundred yards from the palace. The sound of firing came steadily nearer and a fight seemed inevitable. The Czarina was horrorstruck at the idea that blood might be shed under her very eyes; she went out with Marie Nicolaïevna and exhorted the men to keep cool. She begged them to parley with the rebels. It was a terrible moment, and our hearts almost stopped beating with suspense. A single mistake and there would have been a hand-to-hand fight followed by bloodshed. However, the officers stepped in and a parley began. The rebels were impressed by the words of their old leaders and the resolute attitude of the troops which remained faithful.

The excitement gradually subsided and a neutral zone was fixed between the two camps.

Thus was the night passed, and in the morning formal orders from the Provisional Government arrived which put an end to the dreadful situation.

In the afternoon Her Majesty sent for the Grand Duke Paul and asked him if he knew where the Czar was. The Grand Duke did not know. When the Czarina questioned him about the situation he replied that in his opinion the grant of a constitution at once could alone avert the peril. The Czarina shared that view, but could do nothing, as she had been unable to communicate with the Czar since the previous evening.

The day of the 15th passed in an oppressive suspense. At 3.30 a.m. next morning Dr. Botkin was called to the telephone by a member of the Provisional Government, who asked him for news of Alexis Nicolaïevitch. (We heard subsequently that a report of his death had been circulating in the city.)

The Czarina's ordeal was continued the next day. It was three days since she had had any news of the Czar and her forced inaction made her anguish all the more poignant. (No one can have any idea of what the Czarina suffered during these days when she was despairing at her son's bedside and had no news of the Czar. She reached the extreme limits of human resistance in this last trial, in which originated that wonderful and radiant serenity which was to sustain her and her family to the day of their death.)

Towards the end of the afternoon the news of the Czar's abdication reached the palace. The Czarina refused to believe it, asserting it was a canard. But soon afterwards the Grand Duke Paul arrived to confirm it. She still refused to believe it, and it was only after hearing all the details he gave her that Her Majesty yielded to the evidence. The Czar had abdicated at Pskoff the previous evening in favour of his brother, the Grand Duke Michael.

The Czarina's despair almost defied imagination, but her great courage did not desert her. I saw her in Alexis Nicolaïevitch's room that same evening. Her face was terrible to see, but, with a strength of will which was almost superhuman, she had forced herself to come to the children's rooms as usual so that the young invalids, who knew nothing of what had happened since the Czar had left for G. H. Q., should suspect nothing.

Late at night we heard that the Grand Duke Michael had renounced the throne, and that the fate of Russia was to be settled by the Constituent Assembly.

Next morning I found the Czarina in Alexis Nicolaïevitch's room. She was calm, but very pale. She looked very much thinner and ever so much older in the last few days.

In the afternoon Her Majesty received a telegram from the Czar in which he tried to calm her fears, and told her that he was at Mohileff pending the imminent arrival of the Dowager Empress.

Three days passed. At half-past ten on the morning of the 21st Her Majesty summoned me and told me that General Korniloff had been sent by the Provisional Government to inform her that the Czar and herself were under arrest and that all those who did not wish to be kept in close confinement must leave the palace before four o'clock. I replied that I had decided to stay with them.

"The Czar is coming back to-morrow. Alexis must be told everything. Will you do it? I am going to tell the girls myself."

It was easy to see how she suffered when she thought of the grief of the Grand-Duchesses on hearing that their father had abdicated. They were ill, and the news might make them worse.

I went to Alexis Nicolaïevitch and told him that the Czar would be returning from Mohileff next morning and would never go back there again.

"Why?"

"Your father does not want to be Commander-in-Chief any more."

He was greatly moved at this, as he was very fond of going to G. H. Q.

After a moment or two I added:

"You know, your father does not want to be Czar any more, Alexis Nicolaïévitch."

He looked at me in astonishment, trying to read in my face what had happened.

"What! Why?"

"He is very tired and has had a lot of trouble lately."

"Oh yes! Mother told me they stopped his train when he wanted to come here. But won't papa be Czar again afterwards?"

I then told him that the Czar had abdicated in favour of the Grand Duke Michael, who had also renounced the throne.

"But who's going to be Czar, then?"

"I don't know. Perhaps nobody now. ..."

There was a silence, and then he said:

"But if there isn't a Czar, who's going to govern Russia?"

I explained that a Provisional Government had been formed and that it would govern the state until the Constituent Assembly met, when his uncle Michael would perhaps mount the throne.

One again I was struck by the modesty of the boy.

At four o'clock the doors of the palace were closed. We were prisoners! The composite regiment had been relieved by a regiment from the garrison of Tsarskoïe-Selo, and the soldiers on sentry duty were there not to protect us, but to keep guard over us.

At eleven o'clock on the morning of the 22nd the Czar arrived, accompanied by Prince Dolgorouky, the Marshal of the Court. He went straight up to the children's room, where the Czarina was waiting for him.

After luncheon he went into the room of Alexis Nicolaïevitch, where I was, and greeted me with his usual unaffected kindness. But I could tell by his pale, worn face that he too had suffered terribly during his absence.

Yet, despite the circumstances, the Czar's return was a day of rejoicing to his family. The Czarina and Marie Nicolaïevna, as well as the other children, when they had been told what had occured, had been a prey to such dreadful doubts and fears on his account! It was a great comfort to be all together in such times of trial. It seemed as if it made their troubles less unbearable, and as if their boundless love for each other was a dynamic force which enabled them to face any degree of suffering.

In spite of the self-control which was habitual with the Czar, he was unable to conceal his immense distress, though his soon recovered in the bosom of his family. He spent most of the day with them, and otherwise read or went for walks with Prince Dolgorouky. At first he had been forbidden to go into the park, and was only allowed the enjoyment of a small garden contiguous to the palace. It was still under snow. A cordon of sentries was posted around it.

Yet the Czar accepted all these restraints with extraordinary serenity and moral grandeur. No word of reproach ever passed his lips. The fact was that his whole being was dominated by one passion, which was more powerful even than the bonds between himself and his family — love of country. We felt he was ready to forgive anything to those who were inflicting such humiliations upon him so long as they were capable of saving Russia.

The Czarina spent almost all her time on a chaise longue in the Grand-Duchesses' room, or else with Alexis Nicolaïevitch. Her anxieties and the emotional strain had exhausted her physically, but since the Czar's return she had found great moral relief, and lived closely with her own thoughts, speaking little and finally yielding to that urgent need for rest which had long assailed her. She was glad she need struggle no longer and that she could wholly devote herself to those she loved so tenderly.

She was now anxious about Marie Nicolaïevna only. The latter had been taken ill much later than her sisters, and her condition was aggravated by a severe attack of pneumonia of a virulent kind. Her constitution was excellent, but she had all she could do to survive. She was also the victim of her own devotion. This girl of seventeen had spent herself without reflection during the revolution. She had been her mother's greatest comfort and stand-by. During the night of March 13th she had been rash enough to go out with her mother to speak to the soldiers, thus exposing herself to the cold, even though she realised that her illness was beginning. Fortunately the other children were better, and already on the road to convalescence. ...

Thursday, March 30, 2023

Valentina Chebotareva's diary entry, dated October 24, 1915

Source:
The diary entry (with some of Alexandra's words translated into Russian from French):

24-го октября [1915].
Все эти дни государыня приезжает, мила, ласкова и трогательна, говорила и со мной ласково и приветливо. Оказывается, мяса и рыбы не ест по убеждению: "Лет десять-одиннадцать тому назад была в Сарове и решила не есть больше ничего животного, а потом и доктора нашли, что это необходимо по состоянию моего здоровья". Сидела долго с работой в столовой. Одна из княжон играла в пинг-понг, другая в шашки, кто читал, кто болтал, все просто и уютно. Государыня сказала Варваре Афанасьевне:

"Посмотрите, как малышки забавляются, как эта простая жизнь позволяет отдохнуть... большие сборища, высшее общество — брр! Я возвращаюсь к себе совершенно разбитой. Я должна себе заставлять говорить, видеться с людьми, которые, я отлично знаю, против меня, работают против меня... Двор, эти интриги, эта злоба, как это мучительно и утомительно. Недавно я, наконец, была избавлена кое от кого, и то лишь когда появились доказательства. Когда я удаляюсь из этого общества, я устраиваю свою жизнь как мне нравится; тогда-говорят: 'она — экзальтированная особа'; осуждают тех, кого я люблю, а ведь для того, чтобы судить, надо все знать до деталей. Часто я знаю, что за человек, передо мной; достаточно на него раз взглянуть, чтобы понять: можно ему доверять или нет".

Бедная, несчастная... Такой она мне и рисовалась всегда — сама чистая и хорошая, цельная и простая, она томится условностью и мишурой большого света, а в грязь Григория она не может поверить. В результате — враги в верхних слоях и недоверие нижних.

... Сегодня Татьяна Николаевна сначала приехала одна: "Ведь я еду сюда, как в свой второй дом", и, действительно, такая милая и уютная была. Побежала со мной в кухню, где мы готовили бинты. Государыня посмеялась и сказала, что Татьяна, как хорошая домашняя собачка, привыкла. ...

My reconstruction of Alexandra's words in French (my translation; I cannot find the original):

Regardez comment les petites s'amusent, comment cette vie simple permet de se reposer... de grands rassemblements, de la haute société — brr! Je reviens à moi-même complètement brisée. Je dois me forcer à parler, à voir des gens qui, je sais très bien, sont contre moi, travaillent contre moi... La cour, ces intrigues, cette colère, combien c'est douloureux et épuisant. Récemment, j'ai finalement été délivrée de quelqu'un, et alors seulement quand les preuves sont apparues. Quand je me suis retirée de cette société, j'arrange ma vie comme je l'aime; puis ils disent: «c'est une personne exaltée»; ils condamnent ceux que j'aime, mais pour juger, il faut tout savoir en détail. Souvent je sais de quel genre de la personne est en face de moi; assez de temps pour lui jeter un oeil pour comprendre si l'on peut lui faire confiance ou non.

English translation (my own):

October 24, [1915].
All these days the Empress has been arriving, sweet, affectionate and touching, and spoke to me kindly and affably. It turns out that she does not eat meat and fish because of her conviction: "Ten or eleven years ago I was in Sarov and decided not to eat any more animal products, and then the doctors found that it was necessary for my health." I sat for a long time with work in the dining room. One of the Grand Duchesses played ping-pong, the other played checkers, read, chatted, everything was simple and comfortable. The Empress said to Varvara Afanasievna:

"Look how the little ones amuse themselves, how this simple life allows one to rest... big gatherings, high society — brr! I return to myself completely broken. I have to force myself to talk, to see people who I know very well are against me, they work against me... The court, these intrigues, this anger, how painful and exhausting it is. Recently, I was finally delivered from someone, and then only when the evidence appeared. When I retire from this society, I arrange my life as I like it; then they say: 'she is an exalted person'; they condemn those whom I love, but in order to judge, one must know everything in detail. Often I know what kind of person is in front of me; enough time for him take a look to understand whether one can trust him or not."

Poor, unhappy woman... I always pictured her like that — she was pure and good, whole and simple, she languishes with the convention and tinsel of the great world, and she cannot believe in the filth of Grigori. As a result, there are enemies in the upper layers and distrust of the lower ones.

... Today Tatiana Nikolaevna first came alone: ​​"After all, I come here like it's my second home", and, indeed, she was so sweet and nice. She ran with me to the kitchen, where we were preparing bandages. The Empress laughed and said that Tatiana, like a good pet dog, was used to it. ...


Above: Alexandra with Olga and Tatiana. Photo courtesy of Ilya Grigoryev at lastromanovs on VK.

Thursday, March 23, 2023

Excerpts from Kate Koon's letter to her parents on the coronation day, dated May 14/26, 1896

Source:

Russian coronation, 1896: the letters of Kate Koon (Bovey) from the last Russian coronation, pages 19 to 25, privately printed in Minneapolis, 1942
The letter excerpts:

Moscow, Tuesday, May 26th, 1896
Dear Papa and Mama:
The grandest day of my life was also the most important day in the life of Nicholas II, the Czar of the Russians. According to the Julian calendar used in Russia this is May 14, for there is a difference of twelve days between it and the Gregorian calendar used in the United States. ...

At four o'clock I woke up to find the promise of a glorious, warm day, and I got up for good at five (not 4:30 for we begged off a half hour), had breakfast at six, ate as many boiled eggs as I possibly could, put on as many warm clothes as possible, saw that my blue satin train, with its bunches of pink poppies and its ruche of blue tulle was nicely hung over my left arm, and then tucked myself into the carriage with three other equally corpulent bundles of silk and satin, and away we went. Unfortunately we went to the wrong gate, and when finally we alighted from the carriage we had to sachet up and down rows of men, through masses of people and past tribunes or stands full of very plainly dressed women, until we could find some one who understood what particular place our tickets called for. We felt rather odd being so over dressed until finally some man, glittering with gold, escorted us to our seats and we found we had the best place in the entire Kremlin enclosure.

The tribune, in the second story of which we sat, faced the Kremlin square, which was surrounded by three churches, the famous Red Staircase leading to the palace and the stands which had been erected in all the possible spaces, completed the surroundings of the square. There was almost no one in the Diplomatic tribune when we arrived, although it was a little after seven. We got our seats in the second row, and when we had settled ourselves with our trains heaped in our laps, we began to take in the gorgeous sight spread out before us.

The brilliant crimson red carpet which covered the stairway to the palace also covered the steps and platforms which formed the entrance to the three churches, then ran across the square in two long pieces which divided the open space into four parts and made a regal path in all directions. The bright blue sky contrasted with the brilliant gold of the many domes which rose on all sides. In one direction we could catch sight of a bit of country, where the hazy green was a great change from the brightness of our immediate surroundings. Already the square was filling with people, and more kept coming in from all sides. The gorgeous red, white and gold uniforms of the guards, who lined the edges of the crimson carpet wherever it was laid were quite put to shame as the many representatives of the various oriental countries began to arrive, for when it comes to rich velvets, gold and silver cloths, the orientals certainly outshine every one else. If the ambassadors and the naval and military representatives (one from each country) were Christians, they and their wives were given tickets for the Cathedral of the Assumption, where the crowning of the Czar took place. Those who were not Christians were not allowed in the church but were, like ourselves, given tickets for the stand reserved for the rest of the diplomatic corps and for distinguished visitors on the official lists of the various ambassadors. It was in this way that we saw in the crowd near us some of the richly costumed men of the East. ... There were people from northern Russia who had on great heavy coats with huge fur collars. There were Persians, each wearing a black fez, Turks with their red ones, Bokharans with white or colored turbans and gowns of the richest stuffs, Koreans with the queerest black headdresses, Hussars with gold and fur trimmed coats hanging from their shoulders, and Caucasians in their long red coats. From the steppes of Siberia there were men whose hats were like sombreros. There were people from all the nations on the earth, forming the most interesting crowd imaginable.

The servants of the court were present in their red and gold suits, and a group of the maids, each looking like a bride in her white gown, stood on one of the distant platforms.

In the tribunes around the square were people in light dresses, and one uncovered tribune out in the sun was a bright picture, for all the women had light parasols and wore very light dresses. It was impossible to count the gentlemen of the court, all in solid masses of gold. They were the shining lights of the scene until the royal party appeared. Not only were the high men of the Russian court gorgeous, but every one in any way connected with the court was a brilliant sight that morning.

The seats in our tribune were soon filled, and the tout ensemble was most gorgeous. The women were brilliant in their court costumes, which we could study well as most of them gradually shed their wraps, for the day continued to grow very warm. Mrs. Roebling and Mrs. Palmer were bedecked with diamond tiaras, as were a group of English and French women behind us and many others around us. We didn't quite know why we had to dress in such an elaborate manner, but we soon found that we were to go to the palace for luncheon after the ceremony. ...

The priests and the metropolitans who are the next after the Czar in rank in the Greek church, robed in cloth of gold, and one wearing a gold and diamond mitre, passed into the Cathedral through a small side door. Soon the gentlemen of the imperial household filed into the church; then a large body of deputies from the different towns marched in. We wondered how the small church was going to hold all of them, together with the royal guests who had not yet gone in. The question was soon solved, for by watching another side door we could see the two processions file out. The diplomats and their wives began to descend the Red Staircase and were escorted by some of the high men of the court. A canopy of gold cloth with yellow, white and black ostrich feathers in great bunches on the top was carried to the foot of the stairway, and following a procession of brilliantly dressed men, the Dowager Empress appeared attired in a gown of embroidered white velvet, her long train carried aloft by a dozen men. Upon her dark hair rested her small crown, a semi-ball of diamonds, which showed to great advantage in the bright sunlight. As soon as she was under the canopy the procession started and moved slowly down the red carpet to the church where the priests were awaiting her. She bowed continually to the people, and when she got to the steps of the church she stepped from under the canopy, the priests came forward, and after she had been touched with holy water, she said some prayer before the icon which was held by one of the golden-gowned priests. She then clasped hands with the metropolitans, one at a time, and each bent down so close to her face it looked as though they kissed her cheek, but I think they only kissed her hand.

Then she passed into the church, followed by her group of women, all in the most gorgeous of gowns and richest of trains. There was quite a long wait, and then the imperial guests appeared, among them a queen, princes and crown princes and their wives, and dukes and grand dukes and their wives, etc., from the various parts of Europe. As our tribune was the nearest to the Cathedral we got a very good view of them.

The young Czar and his wife now appeared on the stairway. He was dressed in a blue uniform with a red ribbon across his breast. At his side was the beautiful Czarina in white wearing her red ribbon and around her neck were magnificent pearls. The people were wild with joy when the young couple came in sight. The Czar stepped first under a larger and more magnificent canopy than that under which his mother had moved. The Czarina walked behind him under the same canopy as they moved slowly to the door of the Cathedral, where they stopped for a long time for holy anointing and for prayers. The priests who had been around in the square throwing holy water upon the people were all in place now in the procession which moved to the door of the tiny Cathedral of the Assumption. We were told that for the next two hours the ceremony of the coronation would continue.

We tried to imagine the various religious parts of the ceremony, which we were told later were very tiresome for the people who had to stand for several hours in the church. We were glad we did not have to do that, but of course we should have been delighted to have seen the actual crowning. Since we could not, we tried to create a mental picture of the way the Czar's mantle was put about his shoulders and how he put his own crown on his head after receiving the benediction from the priests. When he had taken his sceptre and the globe into his hands, he seated himself for a moment upon his throne. The sceptre, crowns and globe we had seen carried on cushions into the church before the ceremony began. His next step was to take off his own crown and place it for a moment upon the Czarina's head, then replace it upon his own and take her small one and crown her. Her mantle was then put on, the bells and the cannon proclaimed to the people the coronation, and so loud was the noise I wonder you did not hear it. I suppose the telegraph announced the news to you across the seas. After more prayers, some singing and service and the congratulations of the family, it was after twelve and the canopies again were brought to the doors, and we knew we should not have to wait much longer.

There had been a good deal about us to interest us, and after a cup of tea we felt quite refreshed.

Now the larger canopy was taken to the side door, and we were quite exercised for a time wondering how we could see everything if they all came out different doors at the same time. We were greatly relieved when we saw the Dowager Empress come alone out of the front door and proceed to the foot of the Red Staircase which she ascended and disappeared, followed by the royal guests. The cheering began near the side door and heralded the coming of the newly crowned pair. Out they came, preceded as usual by the chamberlains and Masters of Ceremonies, etc. The Emperor's crown of diamonds flashed like a veritable sun, as he walked under his awning followed by the Empress. The procession passed from our sight for a few moments while the royal couple showed themselves to the people in the tribunes back of the square. We had not long to wait for they soon came back and went to the second cathedral, there to kiss the relics and "salute the tombs of their ancestors." Then they passed to the next church to do the same. At the entrance to each cathedral they were met by a group of priests who went in with them. When they had performed these duties their majesties left their canopy at the foot of the Red Staircase and ascended it amid the cheers of the people. At the top they turned for the people to catch the last glimpse of them, then they passed into the palace, and that part of the coronation festivities was at an end. ...


Above: Nicholas and Alexandra with Marie Feodorovna at their coronation ceremony, painted by Lauritz Tuxen.


Above: Alexandra in her coronation dress, robes and crown, painted by Konstantin Makovsky.

Monday, September 5, 2022

Baroness Sophie Buxhoeveden's account of Alexandra's friendship with Princess Sonia Orbeliani and Sonia's death in December 1915

Sources:

The Life and Tragedy of Alexandra Feodorovna, pages 213 to 215, by Baroness Sophie Buxhoeveden, 1928


The account:

The death of the Empress's devoted lady-in-waiting, Princess Sonia Orbeliani, in December 1915, was, as well as being a great personal grief, a loss to her in other ways. Though she had been an invalid for years, Princess Orbeliani had the undaunted spirit of the Georgians. She did not give in, though she knew that her days were numbered, and kept to the last an intense interest in life. When she could no longer serve her beloved Empress actively, Princess Orbeliani did all she could to help her socially, putting her in touch with people who would interest her, and talking to her frankly, never fearing to give her an honest and even unfavourable opinion. She went about a great deal in her wheeled chair to houses where the voices of different parties were heard.

She was a niece of the former Liberal Prime Minister, Prince Sviatopolk-Mirsky. The Empress was devoted to Sonia, and knew her honesty and affection. Her Majesty did not easily change her opinion when it was once formed, but in discussing a subject with a person she trusted she could be persuaded in time to see the other point of view, and even to act on it later. Nothing that the Empress did, or did not do, brought about, or could have averted, the catastrophe of 1917. But had she had wiser advice during the critical years, she would have escaped the unjust accusation of influencing the politics of the country.

Sonia Orbeliani died after a short illness. The Empress never left her during the last day. She had promised her friend to close her eyes when she died, and she kept her promise. Sonia died in her arms, thanking her Empress and friend with her last smile for all she had been to her. The Empress saw to all details of the funeral, fulfilled her dear friend's last wishes, and wrote to all the relations herself. She came to the first memorial service (panichida) in her nurses' dress. "Don't be astonished to see us [the Empress herself and Olga and Tatiana Nicolaevna] dressed as sisters", she wrote me, "but I hate the idea of going into black for her this evening and feel somehow nearer to her like this, like an aunt, more human, less Empress." Late that same evening the Empress joined me in the room where the coffin lay. She sat down beside it, looking into the quiet, dead face, and stroking Sonia's hair, as if she were asleep. "I wanted to be a little more with Sonia", she said. When she left the room, her face was bathed in tears. She felt the loss of the "true heart", as she called Sonia in a letter to her sister, adding "All miss her sorely." ...


Above: Alexandra with Princess Sonia Orbeliani.


Above: Baroness Sophie Buxhoeveden.

Monday, June 13, 2022

Excerpts from Kate Koon's letter to her parents on the imperial entry into Moscow for the coronation, dated May 12/24, 1896

Source:

Russian coronation, 1896: the letters of Kate Koon (Bovey) from the last Russian coronation, pages 13 to 18, privately printed in Minneapolis, 1942


The letter excerpts:

Moscow, May 24, 1896
Dear Papa and Mama:
The morning of the day of the entry of the Czar into the city the sun shone bright and clear and we were up early, ready to start for the Hotel Dresden, where the Billhardts, Potter Palmers and we had a room with a couple of windows overlooking the street up which the procession was to pass and directly opposite the palace of the Grand Duke Serge, Governor of Moscow. Some of the streets were already closed when we reached them, and a ticket was demanded of us. We had none, but after a good deal of arguing we were allowed to pass. ...

The procession was not to enter the city until two o'clock...

It was near three o'clock when the cheering announced the approach of the procession. First came the Emperor's bodyguard, truly an imposing group of men with helmets and cuirasses shining like gold. Next came some Cossacks, and after them a really oriental spectacle as the representatives of the Asiatic peoples under Russian rule rode solemnly by on their horses. The nobles of Moscow who followed were also gorgeously attired. Next came the footmen of the court, the four court Arabs, the court musicians and the royal huntsmen. Next the Masters of Ceremonies appeared in eight handsome carriages each drawn by six horses. The Gentlemen of the Chamber and the Chamberlains followed upon beautiful steeds. Then came some of the grooms of the royal stables, followed by more fine equipages in which were some of the foreign diplomats, court officials and members of the Council of the Empire. As the guard of the Dowager Empress and some Russian Horse Guards passed us, we could hear furious cheering down the street. We leaned farther out of the windows, eager to catch our first glimpse of the Emperor.

Alone in his glory he came into sight. We knew him by his simple dress, his kind face quite pale with excitement, and by the fact that his hand was always raised up to his cap to salute his people who were wild with excitement and crying, "We would die for our Czar." Grouped around him were his ministers, generals, aides, etc., each in the most gorgeous uniforms and each exceedingly proud of his row of orders which reached from shoulder to shoulder. The grand dukes and the native and foreign princes who followed, represented many powerful countries, and were in themselves great men. Such a group of important personages would be hard to duplicate.

America alone was unrepresented in the body of foreigners which passed next. Why our military representatives did not appear, we do not know, but I am sure they would have looked as fine as any of the English, French, Germans, etc.

The Dowager Empress, Marie Feodorovna, mother of the Czar, who then appeared in a perfect wonder of a gold coach on the top of which was a crown, provoked more cheering from the people than did her son. The people have had thirteen years in which to know this woman, and they have learned to love her very much. We knew it must be the Dowager Empress by her sad face, for, poor woman, with one son at death's door, she had not much heart for the joys of the other. The bows with which she acknowledged the enthusiasm of the people were indeed far from being happy ones. The coach in which she rode was drawn by eight horses as white as the ostrich feathers that decorated their heads. The red Russian leather trappings were ornamented with quantities of gold buckles and monograms. Each horse was led by a page, while other pages surrounded the coach, and two gentlemen of the court took the place of lackeys.

Following closely came an even more gorgeous coach, drawn like the other by eight white horses. This coach had no crown on top, for the young Empress, although for two years the wife of the ruler of the Russians, had as yet, like her husband, no crown upon her royal brow.

I was so interested in the Czarina that I did not see the minute details of the coach and harness, on which jewels were used in a most reckless fashion. The Czarina looked beautiful in a white gown. Around her neck was a row of large diamonds which almost outshone her beaming face above. She kept bowing most graciously to the crowd, and it made me think she must be very amiable for she had already been bowing for a couple of miles and her neck must have ached sadly. She should follow the example of the little Queen of Holland whose seat is on a pivot so that she moves forward and back without any effort.

When the Czarina had passed, the interest of the crowd went with her, though in the coaches which followed were many royal women. As all the coaches were of gold and all were drawn by superb horses, we still had a great deal to see, though we could not distinguish the people inside, for the coaches were closed and it was not very easy to see in, though the sides, like those of the coaches of the Empresses, were of glass.

The vast pageant ended with the ladies of the court, followed by the Hussars and Lancers.

We could imagine the Emperor and Empress kneeling at the Iberian Chapel, which is built into one of the gateways near the Kremlin. There they crossed themselves and kissed the holy cross presented to them by one of the priests. After being sprinkled with holy water, they left the holy icon, which tradition makes very sacred because of the belief that blood issued from a scratch which an infidel made upon the cheek of the Virgin whose image is painted on wood.

The imperial party then went on to the Palace of the Kremlin where they are to stay during their sojourn in Moscow.

The only trouble I find with these great sights is that they are so soon over that I have only a confused idea of what I have seen. It would take a good while for me to grasp all the points of the splendid and unparalleled treat that we were given. I wonder if anywhere else in the world there could ever be a grander spectacle.
K. K.

Monday, June 6, 2022

Pierre Gilliard on Alexandra's attempts to influence Nicholas and interfere in the politics of Russia and World War One

Sources:

Treize années à la cour de Russie: Le tragique destin de Nicolas II et de sa famille, pages 112 to 119, by Pierre Gilliard, 1921


Thirteen Years at the Russian Court, pages 136 to 143, by Pierre Gilliard, translated by F. Appelby Holt, 1921


The account:

La campagne souffrait des incessantes levées de troupes et des réquisitions; l'agriculture manquait de bras et de chevaux. Dans les villes la cherté de la vie augmentait avec le désarroi des chemins de fer et l'afflux des réfugiés. Les propos les plus pessimistes circulaient de bouche en bouche, on parlait de sabotage, de trahison... L'opinion russe si versatile, si portée aux excès dans la joie comme dans la tristesse, s'abandonnait aux plus sombres prévisions.

C'est au moment où la Russie traversait cette crise aiguë que Nicolas II résolut de prendre le commandement en chef de l'armée.

L'impératrice poussait depuis des mois l'empereur à cette détermination, mais il avait toujours résisté à ses instances, car il lui répugnait de relever le grand-duc Nicolas du commandement qu'il lui avait donné. Lorsque la guerre avait éclaté, son premier mouvement avait été de se mettre à la tête de l'armée, mais, cédant aux prières de ses ministres, il avait renoncé à son désir le plus cher. Il l'avait toujours regretté; et maintenant que les Allemands, après avoir conquis toute la Pologne, s'avançaient sur le soi russe, il lui semblait criminel de rester à l'arrière et de ne pas prendre une part plus active à la défense de son pays.

L'empereur était rentré le 11 juillet [1915] du G. Q. G. et il avait passé deux mois à Tsarskoïé-Sélo avant d'arriver à cette décision. Je transcris ici une conversation que j'eus avec lui le 16 juillet, parce qu'elle montre clairement quels étaient alors déjà les sentiments qui l'animaient. Il nous avait rejoints ce jour-là, Alexis Nicolaïévitch et moi, dans le parc, il venait de raconter à l'enfant quelques impressions de son récent voyage à l'armée et, se tournant vers moi, il ajouta:

— Vous ne sauriez vous figurer combien le séjour à l'arrière me pèse. Il semble que tout ici, jusqu'à l'air qu'on respire, détende les énergies et amollisse les caractères. Les bruits les plus pessimistes, les nouvelles les plus invraisemblables trouvent crédit et sont colportés dans tous les milieux. Ici on ne s'occupe que d'intrigues et de cabales, on ne vit que d'intérêts égoïstes et mesquins; là-bas on se bat et l'on meurt pour la patrie. Au front, un sentiment domine tout: la volonté de vaincre; le reste est oublié, et malgré les pertes, malgré les revers, on garde confiance... Tout homme capable de porter les armes devrait être à l'armée. Pour moi je ne puis attendre le moment où j'aurai rejoint mes troupes!

L'impératrice sut exploiter ce désir ardent; elle s'appliqua à vaincre les scrupules que certaines considérations pouvaient, d'autre part, inspirer. Elle souhaitait l'éloignement du grand-duc Nicolas qu'elle accusait de travailler sous main à ruiner le prestige de l'empereur et de chercher à provoquer à son profit une révolution de palais. En outre, sur la foi de renseignements qui lui étaient fournis par Mme Wyroubova, elle était persuadée que le G. Q. G. était le centre d'un complot qui avait pour but de s'emparer d'elle en l'absence de l'empereur, et de la reléguer dans un couvent. Le tsar avait pleine confiance dans la loyauté du grand-duc Nicolas, il le jugeait incapable de tout acte de félonie; mais il était porté à admettre sa complicité dans la cabale dirigée contre l'impératrice. Il ne céda toutefois que lorsque le sentiment impérieux qui le poussait à se mettre à la tête de l'armée fut devenu pour sa conscience une obligation. En s'engageant personnellement dans la lutte, il tint à montrer que la guerre serait conduite jusqu'au bout, et à affirmer sa foi inébranlable en la victoire finale. Il estima que c'était son devoir, dans cette heure tragique, de payer de sa personne et d'assumer, lui chef de l'État, toutes les responsabilités. Il voulut aussi, par sa présence au milieu d'elles, rendre confiance aux troupes dont le moral était lasses de se battre contre un ennemi dont la force principale consistait dans la supériorité de son armement.

Malgré les derniers reculs, le prestige militaire du grand-duc Nicolas était considérable en Russie. Pendant toute cette première année de guerre, il avait fait preuve de fermeté et de décision. Le fait de lui retirer son commandement au moment d'une défaite paraissait indiquer qu'on le tenait pour responsable et devait être interprété comme une sanction aussi injuste pour ses mérites qu'offensante pour son honneur. L'empereur s'en rendait compte et ne s'y était décidé qu'à contre-cœur. Il avait eu tout d'abord l'intention de garder le grand-duc auprès de lui au G. Q. C., mais cela aurait créé une situation délicate pour l'ex-généralissime; il prit le parti de le nommer lieutenant-général du Caucase et commandant en chef de l'armée opérant contre la Turque.

L'empereur fit part à ses ministres de sa résolution de prendre le commandement en chef de l'armée dans un Conseil qui eut lieu à Tsarskoïé-Sélo quelques jours avant son départ pour le G. Q. C. Cette nouvelle provoqua une véritable consternation chez la plupart des assistants, et ils s'efforcèrent de persuader l'empereur de renoncer à son projet. Ils lui montrèrent le grave inconvénient qu'il y aurait pour la bonne marche des affaires à ce qu'il fût, lui chef de l'État, presque constamment au G. Q. C., à plus de huit cents kilomètres du siège du gouvernement. Ils alléguèrent ses nombreuses occupations et lui demandèrent de ne se pas se charger de nouvelles et écrasantes responsabilités. Ils le supplièrent enfin de ne pas se mettre à la tête des troupes dans un moment aussi critique; c'était risquer de s'exposer, en cas d'insuccès, à des attaques qui ruineraient son prestige et son autorité. Mais l'empereur resta inébranlable. Plusieurs personnes de son entourage firent auprès de lui de nouvelles tentatives qui échouèrent également, et le 4 septembre au soir il partit pour Mohilef où se trouvait alors le G. Q. C. Le lendemain il signait le prikase par lequel il annonçait aux troupes qu'il assumait le commandement en chef et il ajoutait, au bas, de sa propre main: «... avec une foi absolue en la bonté de Dieu et une confiance inaltérable en la victoire finale, nous accomplirons notre devoir sacré en défendant jusqu'au bout notre Patrie et nous ne laisserons pas outrager le sol de la Russie.»

C'était réitérer le serment qu'il avait fait au début de la guerre et engager sa couronne dans la mêlée.

En France et en Angleterre, cette nouvelle causa une surprise qui n'était pas exempte d'une certaine appréhension, mais on vit dans cet acte un gage qui liait irrévocablement l'empire russe, en la personne de son souverain, au sort de l'Entente, et cela au moment où une série de défaites auraient pu faire craindre l'apparition de tendances séparatistes. Tous les grands journaux des pays alliés soulignèrent l'importance de cette décision. Elle allait avoir, espérait-on, une répercussion considérable sur le moral de l'armée russe et contribuer à l'obtention de la victoire finale. En Russie, toute la presse entonna un chant de triomphe, mais, en réalité, les avis sur l'opportunité de ce changement de commandement furent au début assez partagés. A l'armée, la présence de l'empereur contribua, nous le verrons, à relever le courage des soldats et donna aux troupes un nouvel élan.

L'histoire établira un jour quelles furent les conséquences politiques et militaires de cette mesure qui, de la part de l'empereur, fut un acte de courage et de foi.

Comme je l'avais craint, hélas! l'indifférence qu'on avait paru témoigner à Raspoutine durant l'hiver précédent n'avait été que momentanée et fut suivie, au moment des désastres de mai, d'une recrudescence de son influence qui ne fit qu'augmenter par la suite. Ce revirement s'explique aisément. Au début de la guerre, l'empereur et l'impératrice, tout pénétrés de la grandeur de leur devoir, avaient vécu des heures exaltées par l'amour qu'ils portaient à leur peuple, et qu'ils sentaient, en retour, monter de leur peuple jusqu'à eux. Cette fervente communion les avait remplis d'espoir; ils avaient eu le sentiment d'être vraiment le centre de ce grand mouvement national qui soulevait la Russie tout entière. Les événements militaires des mois qui suivirent n'avaient pas ébranlé leur courage; il[s] avaient gardé pleine et intacte leur foi en cette offensive du printemps qui devait amener le succès définitif des armes russes.

Aussi, lorsque se produisit la grande catastrophe, connurent-ils des jours d'indicible angoisse. Et l'impératrice, dans sa souffrance, devait être irrésistiblement poussée à chercher un appui moral auprès de celui en qui elle voyait alors déjà, non seulement le sauveur de son fils, mais aussi le représentant du peuple, envoyé par Dieu pour sauver la Russie et son tsar.

Ce n'est pas, comme on l'a dit, par ambition personnelle ou par soif de pouvoir, que l'impératrice avait commencé à s'occuper de politique. Le mobile qui l'y poussa était d'ordre tout sentimental. Elle adorait son mari comme elle idolâtrait ses enfants, et son besoin de se dévouer à ceux qu'elle aimait était infini. Son seul désir était d'être utile à l'empereur dans sa lourde tâche et de l'aider de ses conseils.

Convaincue que l'autocratie était le seul régime qui convînt à la Russie, l'impératrice estimait que de larges concessions libérales étaient prématurées. A son avis, seul un tsar en la personne duquel le pouvoir resterait centralisé était capable de galvaniser la masse inculte du peuple russe. Elle était persuadée que pour le moujik l'empereur était la représentation symbolique de l'unité, de la grandeur et de la gloire de la Russie, le chef de l'empire et l'oint du Seigneur. Toucher à ces prérogatives, c'était attenter à la foi du paysan russe, c'était risquer de précipiter le pays dans les pires catastrophes. Le tsar ne devait pas seulement régner, il devait gouverner l'État d'une main ferme et puissante.

L'impératrice apporta au nouveau devoir qu'elle s'imposait le même dévouement, la même vaillance, mais aussi, hélas! le même aveuglement qu'elle avait manifestés dans sa lutte pour la vie de son enfant. Elle fut conséquente dans son aberration. Persuadée, comme je l'ai dit plus haut, que la dynastie ne pouvait trouver d'appui que dans le peuple et que Raspoutine était l'élu de Dieu, — n'avait-elle pas éprouvé l'efficacité de ses prières pendant la maladie de son fils? — elle crut, dans sa confiance absolue, que cet humble paysan devait apporter le secours de ses lumières surnaturelles à celui qui tenait entre ses mains les destinées de l'empire des tsars. Fin et ruse comme il l'était, Raspoutine ne s'aventura qu'avec une extrême prudence à donner des conseils politiques. Il eut toujours soin de se faire très exactement renseigner sur tout ce qui se passait à la cour et sur les sentiments intimes des souverains. Ses paroles prophétiques ne venaient donc, le plus souvent, que confirmer les vœux secrets de l'impératrice. De fait, sans s'en douter, c'était elle qui inspirait «l'inspiré», mais ses propres désirs en passant par Raspoutine prenaient à ses yeux la force et l'autorité d'une révélation.

Avant la guerre, l'influence politique de l'impératrice ne s'exerça que de façon très intermittente; son action se borna surtout à provoquer l'éloignement de ceux qui s'étaient déclarés contre le staretz. Dans les premiers mois qui suivirent l'ouverture des hostilités, la situation ne se modifia guère, mais à partir des grands revers du printemps 1915, et surtout après que l'empereur eut assumé le commandement en chef des armées, l'impératrice, pour venir en aide à son époux qu'elle sentait toujours plus accablé sous le poids d'une responsabilité croissante, prit une part toujours plus grande aux affaires de l'État. Épuisée, comme elle l'était, elle n'aspirait qu'au repos; mais elle sacrifia sa quiétude personnelle à ce qu'elle crut être une obligation sacrée.

Très réservée, et cependant très spontanée, épouse et mère avant tout, l'impératrice ne se trouvait heureuse qu'au milieu des siens. Instruite et artiste, elle aimait la lecture et les arts. Elle se complaisait à la méditation et s'absorbait souvent dans une vie intérieure très intense dont elle ne sortait que lorsque le danger apparaissait, fonçant alors sur l'obstacle avec une ardeur passionnée. Elle était douée des plus belles qualités morales, et fut toujours guidée par les plus nobles inspirations. Mais la souffrance l'avait brisée, elle n'était plus que l'ombre d'elle-même et il lui arrivait souvent d'avoir des périodes d'extase mystique qui lui faisaient perdre la notice exacte des choses et des gens. Sa foi en la sainteté de Raspoutine le prouve surabondamment.

Et c'est ainsi que, voulant sauver son mari et l'enfant qu'elle aimait plus que tout au monde, elle forgea de ses propres mains l'instrument de leur perte.

English translation (by Holt):

The country was suffering from the incessant withdrawals of men and from requisition. Agriculture was short of labour and horses. In the towns the cost of living was rising with the disorganisation of the railways and the influx of refugees. The most pessimistic news passed from mouth to mouth. There was talk of sabotage, treason, etc. Russian public opinion, so changeable and prone to exaggeration whether in joy or sorrow, indulged in the most gloomy forebodings.

It was just when Russia was passing through this acute crisis that Nicholas II. decided to take the command of his armies in person.

For several months the Czarina had been urging the Czar to take this step, but he had stood out against her suggestion as he did not like the idea of relieving the Grand-Duke Nicholas of the post he had given him. When the war broke out his first impulse had been to put himself at the head of his army, but, yielding to the representations of his Ministers, he had abandoned an idea which was very close to his heart. He had always regretted it, and now that the Germans had conquered all Poland and were advancing on Russian soil, he considered it nothing less than criminal to remain away from the front and not take a more active part in the defence of his country.

The Czar had returned from G. H. Q. on July 11th [1915], and spent two months at Tsarskoïe-Selo before making up his mind to this new step. I will relate a conversation I had with him on July 16th, as it shows quite clearly what were the ideas that inspired him at that time. On that day he had joined Alexis Nicolaïevitch and myself in the park, and had just been telling his son something about his recent visit to the army. Turning to me, he added:

"You have no idea how depressing it is to be away from the front. It seems as if everything here saps energy and enfeebles resolution. The most pessimistic rumours and the most ridiculous stories are accepted and get about everywhere. Folk here care nothing except for intrigues and cabals, and regard low personal interests only. Out at the front, men fight and die for their country. At the front there is only one thought — the determination to conquer. All else is forgotten, and, in spite of our losses and our reverses, everyone remains confident. Any man fit to bear arms should be in the army. Speaking for myself, I can never be in too much of a hurry to be with my troops."

The Czarina was able to take advantage of this great ambition. She set herself to overcome the scruples which considerations of another character inspired. She desired the removal of the Grand-Duke Nicholas, whom she accused of secretly working for the ruin of the Czar's reputation and prestige and for a palace revolution which would further his own ends. On the strength of certain information she had received from Madame Wyroubova, she was also persuaded that G. H. Q. was the centre of a plot, the object of which was to seize her during the absence of her husband and confine her in a convent.

The Czar, on the other hand, had full confidence in the loyalty of the Grand-Duke Nicholas. He considered him incapable of any criminal action, but he was compelled to admit his complicity in the intrigue against the Czarina. Yet he did not give way until the imperious instinct urging him to put himself at the head of his army had become an obligation of conscience. By intervening personally in the struggle, he hoped to show the world that the war would be fought out to the bitter end and prove his own unshakable faith in ultimate victory. In this tragic hour he thought it was his duty to stake his own person, and as head of the state to assume the full burden of responsibility. By his presence among the troops he wished to restore their confidence, for their morale had been shaken by the long series of reverses, and they were tired of fighting against an enemy whose strength consisted principally in the superiority of his armament.

In spite of the recent retreats, the prestige of the Grand-Duke Nicholas was still considerable in Russia. During this [sic] first twelve months of the war, he had given proof of resolution and an iron will. The fact that he was deprived of his command in times of defeat indicated that he was held responsible, and was bound to be interpreted as a punishment, as unjust on the merits as insulting to his honour. The Czar fully realised all this, and only decided as he did much against his will. His first idea had been to keep the Grand-Duke with him at G. H. Q., but that would have made the position of the ex-Generalissimo somewhat delicate. The Czar decided to appoint him Lieutenant-General of the Caucasus and Commander-in-Chief of the army operating against the Turks.

The Czar communicated his decision to take over the Supreme Command to his Ministers at a council which took place at Tsarskoïe-Selo a few days before his departure for G. H. Q. The news threw most of those present into utter consternation, and they did their best to dissuade him from his project. They pointed to the grave difficulties in the way of public business if the head of the state was to spend practically all his time at G. H. Q., more than five hundred miles from the seat of government. They referred to his innumerable duties and asked him not to take new and crushing responsibilities upon himself. In the last resort they begged him not to place himself at the head of his troops at a moment so critical. In case of failure he was running a risk of exposing himself to attacks which would undermine his prestige and authority.

Yet the Czar was not to be moved. Several members of his immediate entourage made several further attempts to convince him, but these failed also, and on the evening of September 4th he left for Mohileff, where G. H. Q. was established at that time. The next day he signed the Prikaze, in which he announced to the troops that he was taking command in person, and at the foot he added in his own hand:

"With unshakable faith in the goodness of God and firm confidence in final victory, we shall accomplish our sacred duty in defending our Fatherland to the end, and we shall never let the soil of Russia be outraged."

He was repeating the oath he had taken at the outset of the war and casting his crown into the arena.

In France and England this announcement came as a surprise which was not without a certain element of apprehension, but this action was regarded as a pledge which irrevocably associated the Russian Empire, in the person of its Czar, with the fortunes of the Entente, and this at a moment when a series of defeats would have been grounds for fearing separatist tendencies. All the great newspapers of the Allied countries emphasised the importance of this decision. It was hoped that it would have a considerable effect on the morale of the Russian army and contribute to further the cause of final victory. In Russia the whole Press raised a shout of triumph, but in sober reality, opinion about the wisdom of changing the command was sharply divided at first. In the army itself we shall see that the presence of the Czar helped to raise the spirits and courage of the men and gave the campaign a new impetus.

History will some day reveal the political and military consequences of this step, which was certainly an act of courage and faith on the part of the Czar himself.

As I had feared, the apparent indifference with which Rasputin had been treated during the winter had only been temporary, and at the time of the disasters in May, there was a revival of his influence, which grew steadily stronger. The change is easily explained. At the beginning of the war, the Czar and Czarina were utterly obsessed by the greatness of their task, and had passed through hours of exaltation in the knowledge of the love they bore their people, a love they felt was reciprocated. That fervent communion had filled them with hope. They believed that they were really the centre of that great national movement which swept over the whole of Russia. The military events of the following months had not shaken their courage. They had maintained their ardent faith in that spring offensive which was to bring about the final success of the Russian armies.

When the great catastrophe followed, they passed through a time of unspeakable anguish. In her sorrow the Czarina was bound to feel impelled to seek moral support from him whom she already regarded not only as the saviour of her son, but as the representative of the people, sent by God to save Russia and her husband also.

It is not true that personal ambition or a thirst for power induced the Czarina to intervene in political affairs. Her motive was purely sentimental. She worshipped her husband as she worshipped her children, and there was no limit to her devotion for those she loved. Her only desire was to be useful to the Czar in his heavy task and to help him with her counsel.

Convinced that autocracy was the only form of government suited to the needs of Russia, the Czarina believed that any great concessions to liberal demands were premature. In her view the uneducated mass of the Russian people could be galvanised into action only by a Czar in whose person all power was centralised. She was certain that to the moujik the Czar was the symbol of the unity, greatness, and glory of Russia, the head of the state and the Lord's Anointed. To encroach on his prerogative was to undermine the faith of the Russian peasant and to risk precipitating the worst disasters for the country. The Czar must not merely rule: he must govern the state with a firm and mighty hand.

To the new task the Czarina brought the same devotion, courage, and, alas! blindness she had shown in her fight for the life of her son. She was at any rate logical in her errors. Persuaded, as she was, that the only support for the dynasty was the nation, and that Rasputin was God's elect (had she not witnessed the efficacy of his prayers during her son's illness?), she was absolutely convinced that this lowly peasant could use his supernatural powers to help him who held in his hands the fate of the empire of the Czars.

Cunning and astute as he was, Rasputin never advised in political matters except with the most extreme caution. He always took the greatest care to be very well informed as to what was going on at Court and as to the private feelings of the Czar and his wife. As a rule, therefore, his prophecies only confirmed the secret wishes of the Czarina. In fact, it was almost impossible to doubt that it was she who inspired the "inspired", but as her desires were interpreted by Rasputin, they seemed in her eyes to have the sanction and authority of a revelation.

Before the war the influence of the Czarina in political affairs had been but intermittent. It was usually confined to procuring the dismissal of anyone who declared his hostility to the staretz. In the first months of the war there had been no change in that respect, but after the great reverses in the spring of 1915, and more particularly after the Czar had assumed command of the army, the Czarina played an ever-increasing part in affairs of state because she wished to help her husband, who was overwhelmed with the burden of his growing responsibilities. She was worn out, and desired nothing more than peace and rest, but she willingly sacrificed her personal comfort to what she believed was a sacred duty.

Very reserved and yet very impulsive, the Czarina, first and foremost the wife and mother, was never happy except in the bosom of her family. She was artistic and well-educated, and liked reading and the arts. She was fond of meditation, and often became wholly absorbed in her own inward thoughts and feelings, an absorption from which she would only emerge when danger threatened. She would throw herself at the obstacle with all the ardour of a passionate nature. She was endowed with the finest moral qualities, and was always inspired by the highest ideals. But her sorrows had broken her. She was but the shadow of her former self, and she often had periods of mystic ecstasy in which she lost all sense of reality. Her faith in Rasputin proves it beyond a doubt.

It was thus that in her desire to save her husband and son, whom she loved more than life itself, she forged with her own hands the instrument of their undoing.


Above: Nicholas and Alexandra. Photo courtesy of Ilya Chishko at lastromanovs on VK.


Above: Pierre Gilliard.

Maurice Paléologue's diary entry, dated August 18 (New Style), 1914

Sources:

La Russie des tsars pendant la grande guerre, volume 1, pages 84 to 88, by Maurice Paléologue, 1921


An Ambassador's Memoirs, by Maurice Paléologue, translated by F. A. Holt, 1925


The diary entry:

Mardi, 18 août 1914.
Arrivé ce matin à Moscou, je me rends, vers six heures et demie, avec Buchanan, au grand palais du Kremlin. On nous introduit dans la salle de Saint-Georges, où sont déjà réunis les hauts dignitaires de l'empire, les ministres, les délégations de la noblesse, des bourgeois, des marchands, des corporations charitables, etc., une foule dense et recueillie.

A onze heures précises, l'empereur, l'impératrice et la famille impériale font leur entrée. Les grands-ducs étant tous partis pour l'armée, il n'y a, en dehors des souverains, que les quatre jeunes grandes-duchesses, filles de l'empereur, le césaréwitch Alexis, qui, s'étant blessé hier à la jambe, est porté sur les bras d'un cosaque, enfin la grande-duchesse Élisabeth-Féodorowna, sœur de l'impératrice, abbesse du couvent de Marthe-et-Marie de la Miséricorde.

Au centre de la salle, le cortège s'arrête. D'une voix pleine et ferme, l'empereur s'adresse à la noblesse et au peuple de Moscou. Il déclare que, selon la tradition de ses aïeux, il est venu chercher le soutien de ses forces morales dans la prière aux reliques du Kremlin; il constate qu'un élan magnifique soulève la Russie entière, sans distinction de race ni de nationalité; il conclut:

— D'ici, du cœur de la terre russe, j'envoie à mes vaillantes troupes et à mes valeureux alliés mon ardent salut. Dieu est avec nous! ...

Une longue clameur de hourrahs lui répond.

Tandis que le cortège se remet en marche, le grand-maître des cérémonies nous invite, Buchanan et moi, à suivre désormais la famille impériale, immédiatement après les grandes-duchesses.

Par le salle de Saint-Wladimir et le Vestibule sacré, nous atteignons l'Escalier rouge, dont le palier inférieur se prolonge, par une passerelle tendue de pourpre, jusqu'à l'Ouspensky Sobor, la cathédrale de l'Assomption.

A l'instant où l'empereur paraît, une tempête d'acclamations s'élève de tout le Kremlin, où un peuple immense se presse, tête nue, sur les esplanades. En même temps, toutes les cloches de l'Ivan Véliky rententissent. Et l'énorme bourdon de l'Ascension, construit avec le métal retiré des décombres de 1812, fait planer sur ce vacarme un bruit de tonnerre. Au delà, Moscou la sainte, avec ses milliers d'églises, de palais, de monastères, avec ses dômes d'azur, ses flèches de cuivre, ses bulbes d'or, étincelle sous le soleil, comme un mirage fantastique.

L'ouragan de l'enthousiasme populaire domine presque le fracas de cloches.

Le comte Benckendorff, grand-maréchal de la cour, s'approchant de moi, me dit:

— La voilà donc, cette révolution qu'on nous présageait à Berlin!

Il traduit ainsi probablement la pensée de tous. L'empereur a le visage radieux. La figure de l'impératrice reflète une joie extatique. Buchanan me glisse à l'oreille:

— Nous vivons actuellement une minute sublime! ... Pensez à tout l'avenir historique qui se prépare en ce moment, ici même!

— Oui. Et je pense aussi à tout le passé historique, qui s'est accompli ici même... C'est de cette place, où nous sommes, que Napoléon a contemplé Moscou en flammes. C'est par cette route là-bas que la Grande Armée a commencé sa retraite immortelle!

Cependant, nous voici au parvis de la cathédrale. Le métropolite de Moscou, entouré de son clergé, présente à Leurs Majestés la croix du tsar Michel-Féodorowitch, premier des Romanow, et l'eau bénite.

Nous pénétrons dans l'Ouspensky Sobor. L'édifice, de plan carré, surmonté par un dôme gigantesque que soutiennent quatre piliers massifs, est entièrement recouvert de fresques sur fond d'or. L'iconostase, haute muraille de vermeil, est tout incrusté de pierres précieuses. La faible clarté, qui tombe de la coupole, et le scintillement des cierges entretiennent dans la nef une pénombre rutilante et fauve.

L'empereur et l'impératrice se placent devant l'ambon de droite, au pied du pilier où s'adosse le trône des Patriarches.

Dans l'ambon de gauche, les chantres de la cour, en costume du seizème siècle, argent et bleu pâle, entonnent les admirables hymnes liturgiques du rite orthodoxe, les plus beaux chants peut-être de la musique sacrée.

Au fond de la nef, en face de l'iconostase, les trois métropolites de Russie et douze archevêques sont alignés. A leur gauche, dans tout le bas côté, cent dix évêques, archimandrites et higoumènes sont groupés. Une richesse fabuleuse, une profusion inouïe de diamants, de saphirs, de rubis, d'améthystes, resplendit sur le brocart des mitres et des dalmatiques. Par instants, l'église rayonne d'un éclat surnaturel.

Buchanan et moi, nous sommes placés tous deux à la gauche de l'empereur, en avant de la cour.

Vers la fin du long office, le métropolite apporte à Leurs Majestés un crucifix contenant un morceau de la vraie croix, qu'Elles baisent pieusement. Puis, au travers d'un nuage d'encens, la famille impériale défile autour de la cathédrale, pour s'agenouiller devant les reliques illustres et les tombes des patriarches.

Pendant ce défilé, j'admire l'allure, les attitudes, les prosternements de la grande-duchesse Élisabeth. Malgré qu'elle approche de la cinquantaine, elle a gardé toute sa grâce et sa sveltesse d'autrefois. Sous ses voiles flottants de laine blanche, elle est aussi élégante et séduisante que jadis, avant son veuvage, au temps où elle inspirait les passions profanes... Pour embrasser l'image de la Vierge de Wladimir, qui est encastrée dans l'iconostase, elle a dû poser le genou sur un banc de marbre, assez élevé. L'impératrice et les grandes-duchesses, qui la précédaient, s'y étaient prises à deux fois et non sans quelque gaucherie, afin de se hausser jusqu'à le célèbre icone. Elle l'a fait d'un seul mouvement, souple, aisé, majestueux.

Maintenant, l'office est achevé. Le cortège se reforme; le clergé passe en tête. Un dernier chant, d'une envolée superbe, remplit la nef. La porte s'ouvre.

Dans un éblouissement de soleil, tout le décor de Moscou se déploie soudain. Tandis que la procession se déroule, je songe que, seule, la cour de Byzance, à l'époque de Constantin Porphyrogénète, de Nicéphore Phocas, d'Andronic Paléologue, a connu des spectacles d'une pompe aussi grandiose, d'un hiératisme aussi imposant.

A l'extrémité de la passerelle tendue de pourpre les voitures de la cour attendent. Avant d'y monter, la famille impériale reste quelque temps exposée aux acclamations frénétiques de la foule. L'empereur nous dit, à Buchanan et à moi:

— Approchez-vous de moi, messieurs les ambassadeurs. Ces acclamations s'adressent à vous autant qu'à ma personne.

Sous la rafale des cris enthousiastes, nous parlons, tous les trois, de la guerre commencée. L'empereur me félicite de l'admirable élan qui anime les troupes françaises et me réitère l'assurance de sa foi absolue dans la victoire finale. L'impératrice cherche à me dire quelques paroles aimables. Je l'aide:

— Quel spectacle réconfortant pour Votre Majesté! Comme tout ce peuple est beau à voir dans son exaltation patriotique, dans sa ferveur pour ses souverains!

Elle répond à peine; mais la constriction de son sourire et l'étrange éclat de son regard fixe, magnétique, flamboyant, révèlent son ivresse intérieure. ...

Pendant que Leurs Majestés rentrent au grand palais, nous sortons, Buchanan et moi, du Kremlin, au milieu des ovations qui nous accompagnent jusqu'à l'hôtel.

English translation (by Holt):

Tuesday, August 18, 1914.
When I arrived at Moscow this morning I went with Buchanan about half-past ten to the great Kremlin Palace. We were ushered into the St. George's hall, where the high dignitaries of the empire, the ministers, delegates of the nobility, middle classes, merchant community, charitable organizations, etc., were already assembled in a dense and silent throng.

On the stroke of eleven o'clock the Tsar, the Tsaritsa and the imperial family made their ceremonial entry. The grand dukes had all gone to the front, and besides the sovereigns there were only the four young grand duchesses, the Tsar's daughters, the Tsarevitch Alexis, who hurt his leg yesterday and had to be carried in the arms of a Cossack, and the Grand Duchess Elizabeth Feodorovna, the Tsaritsa's sister, abbess of the Convent of Martha-and-Mary of Pity.

The imperial party stopped in the centre of the hall. In a full, firm voice the Tsar addressed the nobility and people of Moscow. He proclaimed that, as the traditions of his ancestors decreed, he had come to seek the moral support he needed in prayer at the relics in the Kremlin. He declared that a heroic national impulse was sweeping over all Russia, without distinction of race or nationality, and concluded:

"From this place, the very heart of Russia, I send my soul's greeting to my valiant troops and my noble allies. God is with us!"

A continuous burst of cheering was his answer.

As the imperial group moved on, the Grand Master of Ceremonies invited Buchanan and myself to follow the royal family, immediately after the grand duchesses.

Through the St. Vladimir room and the Sacred Gallery we reached the Red Staircase, the lower flight of which leads by a bridge with a purple awning to the Ouspensky Sobor, the Cathedral of the Assumption.

The moment the Tsar appeared a storm of cheering broke out from the whole Kremlin, where an enormous crowd, bare-headed and struggling, thronged the pavements. At the same time all the bells of the Ivan Veliky chimed in chorus, and the Great Bell of the Ascension, cast from the metal saved from the ruins in 1812, sent a thunderous boom above the din. Around us Holy Moscow, with her sky-blue domes, copper spires and gilded bulbs, sparkled in the sun like a fantastic mirage.

The hurricane of popular enthusiasm almost dominated the din of the bells.

Count Benckendorff, Grand Marshal of the Court, came up to me and said:

"Here's the revolution Berlin promised us!"

In so saying he was probably interpreting everyone's thoughts. The Tsar's face was radiant. In the Tsaritsa's was joyous ecstasy. Buchanan whispered:

"This is a sublime moment to have lived to see! Think of all the historic future being made here and now!"

"Yes, and I'm thinking, too, of the historic past which is seeing its fulfilment here. It was from this very spot on which we now stand that Napoleon surveyed Moscow in flames. It was by that very road down there that the Grand Army began its immortal retreat!"

We were now at the steps of the cathedral. The Metropolitan of Moscow, surrounded by his clergy, presented to their Majesties the cross of Tsar Michael Feodorovitch, the first of the Romanovs, and the holy water.

We entered the Ouspensky Sobor. This edifice is square, surmounted by a gigantic dome supported by four massive pillars, and all its walls are covered with frescoes on a gilded background. The iconostasis, a lofty screen, is one mass of precious stones. The dim light falling from the cupola and the flickering glow of the candles kept the nave in a ruddy semi-darkness.

The Tsar and Tsaritsa stood in front of the right ambo at the foot of the column against which the throne of the Patriarchs is set.

In the left ambo the court choir, in XVIth century silver and light blue costume, chanted the beautiful anthems of the orthodox rite, perhaps the finest anthems in sacred music.

At the end of the nave opposite the iconastasis the three Metropolitans of Russia and twelve archbishops stood in line. In the aisles on their left was a group of one hundred and ten bishops, archimandrites and abbots. A fabulous, indescribable wealth of diamonds, sapphires, rubies and amethysts sparkled on the brocade of their mitres and chasubles. At times the church glowed with a supernatural light.

Buchanan and I were on the Tsar's left, in front of the court.

Towards the end of the long service the Metropolitan brought their Majesties a crucifix containing a portion of the true cross, which they reverently kissed. Then, through a cloud of incense, the imperial family walked round the cathedral to kneel at the world-famed relics and the tombs of the patriarchs.

During this procession I was admiring the bearing and attitudes of the Grand Duchess Elizabeth, particularly when she bowed or knelt. Although she is approaching fifty, she has kept her slim figure and all her old grace. Under her loose white woollen hood she was as elegant and attractive as in the old days before her widowhood, when she still inspired profane passions. To kiss the figure of the Virgin of Vladimir, which is set in the iconostasis, she had to place her knee on a rather high marble seat. The Tsaritsa and the young grand duchesses who preceded her had had to make two attempts — and clumsy attempts — before reaching the celebrated ikon. She managed it in one supple, easy and queenly movement.

The service was now over. The procession was reformed and the clergy took their place at its head. One last chant, soaring in triumph, filled the nave. The door opened.

All the glories of Moscow suddenly came into view in a blaze of sunshine. As the procession passed out I reflected that the court of Byzantium, at the time of Constantine Porphyrogenetes, Nicephorus Phocas or Andronicus Paleologue, can alone have seen so amazing a display of sacerdotal pomp.

At the end of the covered-in passage the imperial carriages were waiting. Before entering them the royal family stood for a time facing the frantic cheers of the crowd. The Tsar said to Buchanan and myself:

"Come nearer to me, Messieurs les Ambassadeurs. These cheers are as much for you as for me."

Amid the torrent of acclamations we three discussed the war which had just begun. The Tsar congratulated me on the wonderful ardour of the French troops and reiterated the assurance of his absolute faith in final victory. The Tsaritsa tried to give me a few kind words. I helped her out:

"What a comforting insight for your Majesty! How splendid it is to see all these people swept by patriotic exaltation and fervour for their rulers!"

Her answer was almost inaudible, but her strained smile and the strange spell of her wrapt gaze, magnetic and inspired, revealed her inward intoxication. ...

As Their Majesties returned to the palace Buchanan and I left the Kremlin amidst an ovation which accompanied us to our hotel.


Above: Nicholas and Alexandra with their children.


Above: Ella.


Above: Sir George Buchanan.


Above: Maurice Paléologue.